(Roughly) Daily

“But is it not already an insult to call chess anything so narrow as a game?”*…

Mardean Isaac, in The Republic of Letters, on chess and what it can– and can’t– teach us. He begins by recounting his personal history with the Royal Game, culminating in an intense period of play…

… Soon after I started my spree, I could already feel subtle cognitive re-wiring beginning to take place. The shape of those changes seemed to align with the objective lessons chess imparts; as if contemplating the findings on a psychedelic drug trip, the issue then becomes whether this is really the case.

People read themselves into interpretations of the greater significance of the game. For Vladimir Nabokov, like the sentence, chess reaches its most elevated form in the perfect rendering of problems into compositions. Stanley Kubrick, who used to put in 12 hour days playing in Washington Square Park, had a stab at life lesson stuff in an old Playboy interview: “Among a great many other things that chess teaches you is to control the initial excitement you feel when you see something that looks good. It trains you to think before grabbing, and to think just as objectively when you’re in trouble.” A 1966 profile of the director in the New Yorker reveals the grubbier material underneath that prudence. At the end of the piece, Kubrick sees the reporter eyeing what he perceives as a killer move, and breaks out in agony to encourage him to make it. But it turned out to be a trap; the move opened a pathway for Kubrick to win. The game’s laws are objective, and can be understood by analysing the outcomes of actions and potential actions. But while players are necessarily guided by explicit rules, they often gain their edge from covert ones. The edge-seeking on display there, rooted in an absence of institutional cushioning, would never leave Kubrick, as he strove to reach the apex of the most logistically burdensome and patronage dependent of art forms.

Chess is primarily a strategic, not a cultural, phenomenon. That is the key to its longevity: where culture changes and evolves, strategy survives and persists—merely as itself. Chess reveals the chiselled edges of strategic veracity: the failures that ensue from not registering your adversary; the complacency that sets in when seemingly comfortably in control; not recognising that risk is a constant, meaning that a good move, coming at the expense of a great one, can also harm you.

The logic of chess exists outside of us; and yet every move feels so personal. Is there an illustration of personal limits more acutely painful than making a truly dumb move, or not spotting a killer one? Not seeing things objectively is not only a guarantor of psychic torment—it often also leads to a kind of self-defeat anyway, because it shuts off routes to our own self-advancement, even if the solipsistic voice in your head might tell us otherwise.

This is where zugzwang (“move compulsion” in German) comes in. This strategic concept refers to a situation in which you have no choice but to make a move that will worsen your position. For example: you are in check, and have to protect your king by moving over a piece that will certainly be taken, reducing your pool of available pieces to the point where victory is made more difficult or impossible. (The only way out of zugzwang—resignation—is no way out at all: a fact which carries a dark metaphorical valence.) It seems to reach into the ultimate dynamic: biology set against time. The problem is: the onus is always on you—you who are always either preparing, or executing, the move you must make. The issue of needing to make a move; there being no such thing as stasis; and each one either advancing or worsening, is a kind of approximation of our biological existence. It’s a reminder that everything is advancing or hurting your cause. Whether or not you are creating the conditions for zugzwang boils down to the accumulated consequences of your own actions. It affirms that you are always responsible for advancing yourself—even, and especially, into oblivion. Worst of all, it affirms that you were responsible for creating the objective conditions that brought about your own drive towards defeat.

I can’t hang onto this moment any longer. It is up to me to decide whether I’ve played too many games for that, or too few. I can either accept that I now have to drive on into the endless forest of chess—or step back altogether, leaving this essay as the only footprint of my ramble across its periphery. As I contemplate the problems with either position, I realise I have already entered my own personal zugzwang

Perhaps we’d do well to sort the “games” we play into those like chess worth playing, win or lose, and those that are not… Of those latter– especially of those the present themselves not so much as games, but as “the way things are”– as “Joshua / WOPR,” the computer in War Games, observes to “David Lightman” (Matthew Broderick) after thermonuclear annihilation is narrowly avoided: “A strange game. The only winning move is not to play.”

A love affair with chess: “My Personal Zugzwang.”

More on zugzwang: “Advantage! What is advantage?

* Stefan Zweig, Chess Story

###

As we make a move, we might recall that it was on this date in 1964 that The Addams Family premiered on ABC. Based on a series of single-paneled cartoons by cartoonist Charles Addams for The New Yorker magazine that began in 1938, the series took the unnamed characters in the single-panel gag cartoons and gave them names, backstories, and a household setting. The main cast was: Gomez (John Astin), Morticia (Carolyn Jones), Lurch (Ted Cassidy), Pugsley (Ken Weatherwax), and Wednesday (Lisa Loring).

The show went off the air in 1966, but The Addams Family’s popularity never really died. Since that time, Hanna-Barbera created two different cartoon series based on the show, three feature films were released in 1991, 1993, and 1998 plus a direct-to-video movie in 1998. In 2019, MGM released a brand new full-length animated film which was pretty good followed by a sequel two years later which wasn’t. In 2022, Jenna Ortega starred in a Netflix show centering on the character of Wednesday Addams, but all of the Addams have supporting roles for the series Wednesday including Luis Guzman (Gomez), Catherine Zeta-Jones (Morticia) and Isaac Ordonez (Pugsley).

source

Written by (Roughly) Daily

September 18, 2026 at 1:00 am

“Ill fares the land, to hastening ills a prey, / Where wealth accumulates, and men decay”*…

Sasha Rogelberg marks a painful milestone…

The U.S. workforce has just made the type of history it likely wishes it didn’t. Working Americans are taking home the smallest percentage of economic output, 52.8%, since the Bureau of Labor Statistics began tracking the metric in 1947.

But as the share of wealth workers take home through wages—called labor share—is shrinking, corporate profits have exploded, with the S&P 500 index gaining 600% since the beginning of the century, while wages have increased just 12.5% over the same period, adjusted for inflation.

In other words: Corporations are raking in cash, but American workers are reaping less and less of the rewards. 

The consequences associated with shrinking labor shares are now becoming tangible. A recent Government Accountability Office (GAO) report found that across the 11 states sampled, Amazon, the country’s largest company by revenue, has 12,346 workers on the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) and 11,338 relying on Medicaid. That was nearly triple the number of Amazon employees in need of federal assistance compared to 2020, when GAO conducted a similar report. During that same period, Amazon saw an increase in annual profits from $11.6 billion to $77.7 billion. Amazon’s 2025 revenue soared 12% year over year, from $638 billion to a record $717 billion…

… Walmart and FedEx saw similar increases in the number of workers taking federal assistance, as did ride-share and delivery companies.

Kathryn Larin, director for education, workforce, and income security issues at GAO, told Fortune the data illustrates that the Americans taking advantage of social safety net programs today are overwhelmingly in the workforce, with most working full-time. The income threshold for SNAP eligibility is about 130% of the poverty line, suggesting that despite many of these workers clocking in at their jobs, they still don’t have enough money to meet their basic needs…

… Diane Swonk, chief economist and managing director at KPMG, recently warned of the hidden consequences of a shrinking labor share, particularly that despite economic indicators suggesting the economy is stable, most Americans are facing an ongoing affordability crisis. KPMG found in February that since 1982, corporate profits as a share of U.S. GDP increased from 8% to 15.85%. During that same period, employee compensation as a share of U.S. GDP shrank from 66.6% to 61.9%.

“This chart from my recent Economic Compass still haunts me,” Swonk said in a social media post at the time. [See chart at the top of this post.] “A friend refers to it as the ‘revolution chart,’ which [is] disturbing but telling. Inequality fuels social and economic instability.”

This trend has been about 50 years in the making, according to Anna Stansbury, an assistant professor of work and organization studies at the MIT Sloan School of Management. 

Fewer workers in the U.S. are represented by unions—20.1% of U.S. workers in 1983 compared to 10.0% in 2025—giving them fewer opportunities to bargain for salaries and benefits, she noted. But more so, Stansbury blames the fissuring of the workplace, or the breakdown of the employer-employee relationship. In the past, the typical employer-employee relationship would be that of direct employment: A worker for a company does their work at the company they are employed by. For example, a large bank like Bank of America used to employ a janitor to clean its offices.

But “in more and more cases, that’s not actually people’s experience of the workplace, particularly in lower middle-income jobs,” Stansbury told Fortune.

Instead, large workplaces like retailers and banks hire gig workers or subcontractors to complete jobs once done by direct employees: Companies hire a security provider, which employs a security guard to work outside that large company’s office. Delivery drivers are contract workers, not full-time employees.

As a result, companies don’t have to provide those workers equity or benefits. If a subcontractor violates labor law, the company contracting them is not liable. In the meantime, these large companies are not only saving money on benefits, but are also getting to argue that they are increasing efficiency by not spending resources on workers whose roles are not directly driving revenue, Stansbury explained. A bank should employ bankers, not janitors, to get the most bang for its buck, the thinking goes…

[Rogelberg examines the argument that AI is a material contributor to the lowering of wages (see also here)…]

… Stansbury has a slightly different theory about AI. While the technology could begin to have an aggregate impact on the labor market, it’s still too early to say whether today’s shrinking labor share is part of a broader economic cycle, or if it’s a secular event, she said.

Unexpected inflation spikes, like what is currently happening, are usually associated with poorer real wages. If inflation is less volatile in the coming years and wage growth recovers, today’s trend of shrinking labor share could turn out to be cyclical, Stansbury said.

On the other hand, Stansbury noted, a tightening labor market should increase labor share, and the labor market is already relatively tight. If inflation stabilizes, employment remains narrow, and the labor share increases, it will be a sign of an economic cycle completing itself. A bigger problem will be if wage growth stays low even if inflation improves and the labor market stays tight.

“If those two things happen and the labor share continues to fall,” she said, “then it would suggest that there’s actually been a secular shift, a secular acceleration in the downward trend.”…

Amazon workers on food stamps have tripled despite its record revenue—and it’s just the latest evidence of the new economy of shrinking labor shares,” from @fortune.com.

See also: “The combination of economic inequality and economic segregation is deadly,” “No society can surely be flourishing and happy, of which by far the greater part of the numbers are poor and miserable,” and “It’s the economy, stupid.”

Oliver Goldsmith, The Deserted Village (Read it for free on the Internet Archive)

###

As we mind the gap, we might recall that it was on this date in 2011 that hundreds gathered in Zuccotti Park in the Financial District in Manhattan, to kick off the movement that became Occupy Wall Street by occupying the park. Fueled by wide distrust in the private sector after the Great Recession, the movement protested economic inequality, corporate greed, big finance, and the influence of money in politics. The OWS slogan was “We are the 99%.”

While the encampment, and the thousands who visited, were that anchor of the movement, Occupy Wall Street activists disseminated their message through social media, print magazines and newspapers (extant and OWS pop-ups like The Occupied Wall Street Journal), film, radio, and live streaming.

The protesters were forced out of Zuccotti Park on November 15, 2011– then turned their focus to occupying banks, corporate headquarters, board meetings, foreclosed homes, college and university campuses, and to social media.

Rage Against the Machine guitarist Tom Morello with Occupy Wall Street protesters outside of the Equitable Building in Lower Manhattan on Day 28 of OWS, October 14, 2011 (source)

Written by (Roughly) Daily

September 17, 2026 at 1:00 am

“And what is good, Phaedrus, and what is not good”*…

Keyana Sapp maintains The Brand Ledger

Tracking the brands that got worse on purpose — and the ones that didn’t.

The Brand Ledger tracks 397 brands, from the tools in your garage to the pans in your kitchen. Who owns them, what they used to be, whether they’re still worth buying. Updated as things change…

On his blog, Worse on Purpose, he considers what quality is and how it is degraded. He begins with the story of his (now 15-year-old) Gibson Les Paul Studio guitar (a la the one pictured above), an exemplar, for Sapp, of “quality”…

… Everyone owns something like this: the old pair of boots, the battered wrenches, grandma’s cast iron pan, the 400,000 mile truck that will not die, etc…

Objects that wear in instead of wearing out. The ones whose quality you can feel the moment you pick them up.

Now try to explain what it is you feel.

Some quality lives in the guitar, the boots and the pan. You are able to detect it intuitively within seconds. But try to put to words precisely what it is you detect and you’ll discover a dilemma.

Your first instinct is to point at the materials. It’s mahogany. It has real humbuckers, a set neck, the best nitro lacquer. But that answer collapses the moment you notice the description fits every guitar on that wall. Two instruments leave the same factory in the same month, matching spec for spec down the line, and one sings while the other sounds weak. Every guitarist knows this, which is why nobody buys the model, they buy the individual guitar, only after noodling on it for a while. The spec sheet names everything the guitar is made of, and whatever quality is, it is not on the list of materials.

Fall back on “I just like it” and you sell the knowledge short, because standing in that store I wasn’t just voicing an arbitrary preference, I was detecting something. “This is a thing of quality. It is the one I want.” Fifteen years of ownership keep proving my instinct that day right.

That gap, between knowing good on contact and being able to say what good is, is one of the oldest open problems in Western philosophy. It is also the fundamental question this newsletter is attempting to answer.

Every investigation I’ve published documents the same story: a product stripped of what made it good while everything a shopper can check stayed intact. Same logo, same spec sheet, same four and a half stars, same price or higher. What got swapped out, the steel gauge, the stitch count and the years of service life, sits in the parts you can’t check from the aisle.

That gap between what you can verify and what actually matters is the whole game, for them and for you. They use it to slowly diminish the quality of the products you once loved without tripping an alarm. You can use it to watch the theft happen…

… In the late 1950s, a rhetoric instructor at Montana State College named Robert Pirsig noticed that his contract required him to teach “quality”. He asked around the faculty at the university and discovered that nobody could tell him what the word meant.

Teachers had been passing and failing students on the basis of quality for centuries without a definition. The problem ate at him for fifteen years, ultimately driving him to insanity. Pirsig’s best thinking on the nature of quality was eventually set down in Zen and the Art of Motorcycle Maintenance. It stands alone as the most formative book I have ever read.

To illustrate the problem, Pirsig relays an experiment he ran with his students. He read four student papers aloud and had everyone rank them by quality on slips of paper. He ranked them himself, collected the slips, tallied the results on the blackboard, and set his own ranking next to the class average. His ranking and the students’ matched almost every time, across classes and semesters. A room full of undergraduates who could not define quality independently agreed on where it lived and where it didn’t.

So Pirsig landed on this problem statement:

“Quality is a characteristic of thought and statement that is recognized by a nonthinking process. Because definitions are a product of rigid, formal thinking, quality cannot be defined.”

Then he added the sentence that should be nailed above the door of every product team in America.

“Even though Quality cannot be defined, you know what Quality is.”

When colleagues demanded proof that an undefinable thing existed at all, he offered this subtraction:

Pull quality out of the world and street noise ranks with symphonies, slop ranks with dinner, and no made thing is worth choosing over any other. A world without quality would still function. You just wouldn’t want to live in it.

Similar threads have appeared across disciplines.

The architect Christopher Alexander encountered the same problem from a different angle. A career spent asking why some buildings feel alive and others feel dead ended in the same non-definition, a quality that in his words “is objective and precise, but cannot be named.”

What Alexander did about it is the useful part. If the thing itself could not be written down, the places where it reliably appears could be, so he and his collaborators catalogued 253 of them, pulled from centuries of buildings people love, and handed architects and builders a working method for producing quality in buildings and towns.

That is what every craft tradition is: a transmission system for the unnameable, carried in people rather than paper. It is why apprenticeship survives every technology invented to replace it: the judgment that produces quality transfers only by demonstration and correction, through thousands of supervised repetitions across years, from a person who has it to a person who does not yet.

That fact cuts both ways. The judgment that can only be carried in people is also the one thing no spreadsheet can measure.

Whatever resists definition resists measurement. Whatever resists measurement vanishes from the dashboard. And in a company run from dashboards, what vanishes from the dashboard vanishes altogether.

That blindness is not an accident of modern business. It was designed, it has an inventor, and the tragedy is that it was invented to do the opposite job. During World War II, a General Electric engineer named Lawrence Miles was tasked with scaling turbo-supercharger production for B-24 bombers from 50 a week to 1,000 while steel, copper and nickel were rationed to hell. He hunted substitute materials, and noticed the surprising fact that substitutes often made the part cheaper and better at the same time. In 1947 he formalized the method and called it value analysis. Identify the function a part serves, then find the best possible way to serve that function. Function first, cost second. Through this process, Miles built a machine for producing quality cheaper.

The method worked so well it quickly became universal. The Navy adopted it in the 1950s and renamed it value engineering. The Pentagon eventually wrote it into federal procurement rules. Miles’s 1961 handbook was translated into a dozen languages, and within a generation nearly every large manufacturer ran a version of the program. Continuous, itemized, never-ending review of everything a product is made of, scored in dollars saved. That framework is now as ordinary as accounting.

Unfortunately, his descendants now run the machine backward. The modern cost-down program starts from the spec sheet and asks what can be removed without a statistically significant change in buyer perception this quarter. The thinner steel passes the test. The glued joint passes. The plastic gear where the brass one was, the foam that loses a third of its resilience in two years etc…

Each change is approved in isolation, and each is too small for any buyer to notice on its own. That is the trick. No test compares the product to what it was ten years ago. Each product version is measured against last quarter’s, comes back as “no detectable difference,” and ships. So the degradation compounds beneath the threshold of every individual measurement, invisible at each step and enormous in total.

It is by this mechanism that quality, the unmeasurable property, erodes as a company places a greater insistence on measurement.

When we ask what quality actually is, only two answers exist. Either quality is objective, meaning a physical property located in the object itself. Or quality is subjective, meaning an opinion located in the person judging.

Take the first answer seriously. If quality is a physical property of the object, then instruments should detect it. We can measure a guitar’s weight, its neck relief, its fret height, its finish thickness down to the micron. No instrument has ever measured whether it is good. If quality sat inside the object the way mass sits inside the object, quality control would be a solved engineering problem and a factory could certify goodness the same way it certifies tolerances.

Now take the second answer seriously. If quality is only an opinion, then a quality judgment reports a fact about the judge and no fact about the object. Two things follow. First, quality judgments should distribute evenly, because nothing in the object itself would constrain them. Second, no quality judgment could ever be right or wrong, because there would be nothing objective in the world for it to be right about.

Ultimately, both answers fail.

Pirsig’s blackboard example demonstrates the failure of the first: his classes converged on the same rankings, semester after semester, with no criteria handed to them. They agreed independently on some notion of quality, recognized it, but could not explain it.

The second fails on an experience everyone reading this has had: being wrong about quality. Nobody has ever been wrong about liking vanilla, because a preference claims nothing factual about the world. A quality judgment claims plenty. When I decided that Les Paul was good, I was predicting that the neck would stay straight, the frets would survive the abuse, and the guitar would still be worth reaching for in fifteen years. Every one of those predictions could have failed, and with other guitars, for other players, they have. Boots that looked right have come apart in one winter, and every buyer of a bad pair has said the sentence that pure subjectivism cannot explain: “I was wrong about those boots.”

So if quality is not an objective property, since no instruments can detect it, and it is not just a subjective opinion because we are able to make predictions about the quality of an object that are verified in time, then what is it?

Pirsig’s answer was that the question itself smuggles in the false assumption that quality must be located in one place or the other. He argued instead that quality is a feature of the relationship between the person and the object. Quality occurs when a person and a thing meet in use: the weight settling onto the shoulder, the wrench loaded to its limit and holding. Before they meet there is only a guitar and a player. Quality exists in the connection.

Apply this idea in the realm of consumer products, and the slow decline of quality starts making sense.

Every measurement a company takes lands on one side of the objective/subjective divide or the other. Spec sheets, tolerances, and materials testing measure the object alone. Surveys, star ratings, and focus groups measure opinions alone. And they sample the opinion at the wrong moment. A star rating gets filed in the first week of ownership, while the surface still shines, and the failures arrive in year three, when almost nobody returns to amend it.

Nothing measures the relationship, because the relationship only exists in use, in the hand, on the road and across years. So when quality drains out of a product, it drains from the one place no instrument points at. Both sets of numbers can hold perfectly steady while the thing between them disappears. That is how a product gets worse without a single metric moving. That is also how the people doing it stay convinced that nothing was lost.

What produced quality in the first place was care. Pirsig again: “Care and Quality are internal and external aspects of the same thing. A person who sees Quality and feels it as he works is a person who cares.”

A good object is a fossil record of care. Thousands of small selections made by people who could tell the good facts from the bad ones and picked the good, even when not doing so was cheaper or easier. The extra ounce of brass, the second coat of lacquer and the tolerance held a hair tighter than the drawing demanded. Every one of those selections survives for exactly one reason, which is that somebody with power over the object gave a shit.

That is why extraction works the way it does. When outside capital buys a great brand, nobody issues a decree that the product shall now be garbage. Instead, the people who previously made those thousands of selections either get laid off, retired out, or reorged into irrelevance, and the decisions migrate to a floor in an office building where nobody has ever actually used the product. Care cannot be exercised at that distance. Quality follows care out of the building, and the whole thing happens without any individual ever choosing badness directly. Absence does the job on its own…

… There are two ways to make money on quality. You can make a thing so good that people pay for it, keep it, and hand your name to their kids. That is the Miles road: quality found cheaper, profit as the receipt for care. Or you can buy the name after the caring is done, spend down four generations of accumulated trust, and be gone before anyone’s memory catches up…

Eminently worth reading in full. An ode to Pirsig: “On Quality,” from @worseonpurpose.bsky.social.

(Image above: source)

* Plato’s Phaedrus (which means, as Sapp observes, that the question of quality is at least twenty-four centuries old)

###

As we interrogate enshittification, we might recall that it was on this date in 1908 that Buick Motor Company head William Crapo Durant incorporated General Motors in New Jersey…

Durant, a high-school dropout, had made his fortune building horse-drawn carriages, and in fact he hated cars–he thought they were noisy, smelly, and dangerous. Nevertheless, the giant company he built would dominate the American auto industry for decades.

In the first years of the 20th century, however, that industry was a mess. There were about 45 different car companies in the United States, most of which sold only a handful of cars each year (and many of which had an unpleasant tendency to take customers’ down payments and then go out of business before delivering a completed automobile). Industrialist Benjamin Briscoe called this way of doing business “manufacturing gambling,” and he proposed a better idea. To build consumer confidence and drive the weakest car companies out of business, he wanted to consolidate the largest and most reliable manufacturers (Ford, REO, his own Maxwell-Briscoe, and Durant’s Buick) into one big company. This idea appealed to Durant (though not to Henry Ford or REO’s Ransom E. Olds), who had made his millions in the carriage business just that way: Instead of selling one kind of vehicle to one kind of customer, Durant’s company had sold carriages and carts of all kinds, from the utilitarian to the luxurious.

But Briscoe wanted to merge all the companies completely into one, while Durant wanted to build a holding company that would leave its individual parts more or less alone. (“Durant is for states’ rights,” Briscoe said. “I am for a union.”) Durant got his way, and the new GM was the opposite of Ford: Instead of just making one car, like the Model T, it produced a wide variety of cars for a wide variety of buyers. In its first two years, GM cobbled together 30 companies, including 11 automakers like Oldsmobile, Cadillac, and Oakland (which later became Pontiac), some supplier firms, and even an electric company.

Buying all these companies was too expensive for the fledgling GM, and in 1911 the corporation’s board forced the spendthrift Durant to quit. He started a new car company with the Chevrolet brothers and was able to buy enough GM stock to regain control of the corporation in 1916, but his profligate ways got the better of him and he was forced out again in 1920. During the Depression, Durant went bankrupt, and he spent his last years managing a bowling alley in Flint.

– source

In the early 1900s public outcry over weak government regulation of gasoline-powered horseless carriages was significant. Durant clocked this public anger, and rather than relying on government regulations to improve their safety, he saw it as an opportunity to create a company which could improve the quality and safety of this new class of transportation. Fast forward just over a century and General Motors seems to have fallen prey to the extractive impulse that Sapp describes: the company and its cars are beset by myriad quality issues.

source

“Every happiness is the child of a separation it did not think it could survive”*…

A third and final (for awhile:) post on AI and what it might mean… Sunday’s post was a consideration of what we might lose if AI becomes central to our lives, a modern echo of Socrates’ lament on the spread of writing. Indeed, we are in a moment of high dudgeon over AI: its potential impact on the environment, on jobs. on the economy more broadly, and in the wake of recent statements from foundational model companies, on their governability(“rogue AI,” though do also see here), and thus on the prospect of our very existence (though do also see here).

Yesterday’s post was an example of thinking that starts from the implicit assumption that AI is coming, then asks how we might govern it. It’s worth noting that even if there is an AI Bubble about to burst, AI could still loom large in our longer-term future. Investors hobbled in many earlier bubbles (e.g., railroads, telecom, the dot.com crash, et al.) were directionally absolutely right about the longer-term promise of the technologies that excited them, just wrong to believe that the early entrants (and their specific offers) in which they were investing were the vehicles to realize that promise.

Today, we stick with the assumption that AI will continue to develop and to change the world around it. Some suggest that AI and its impact are moving us from literacy back to orality (the loss of which so concerned Socrates). But others suggest that AI (and the advances that it enables) could usher in a new Axial Age, a time of huge and ultimately positive transformation, on the other side of which we– humanity– will be… different, as different from the people we were in, say 1999, as Shakespeare was from Socrates.

But what might that be like? It’s relatively easy to imagine disasters that amount to the things we know collapsing; it’s much harder to envisage positive futures filled with altogether new things, futures the contents of which are, essentially by definition, things we’ve not imagined, much less experienced.

Following, from Vinkatesh Rao, one of the most thoughtful approaches I’ve yet come across. He starts with mathematics– with the recent successes of AIs in that field– locates that work in the history of math (in particular axiomatics), then suggests a way of understanding AI’s “success”:

… A theorem prover does not search the space of all possible sequences of logical symbols. It plays inside a world humans have painstakingly designed.

This makes recent achievements in AI mathematics look slightly different.

Perhaps we have been too quick to interpret them as evidence that AI has acquired access to the wild source of mathematical intuition. A significant part of the achievement may instead be that humans spent a century converting increasingly large regions of mathematical wilderness into exceptionally good game boards: semi-closed environments in which the relevant state can be represented, legitimate moves can be made, accumulated technique can be reused, and success can be verified

Rao then explains how similar trajectories have accrued in the application of AI to programming and to physics, concluding…

Across mathematics, programming and physics, the same pattern keeps appearing. First there is clever performance. Then somebody finds a representation that captures what the clever performers are doing. Then general machinery accumulates around the representation. Then the machinery becomes architecture. Eventually much of the play becomes mechanical.

The creativity has not disappeared. It has moved.

There is an obvious objection to this story.

Perhaps what I am describing as progress is merely legibility.

James C. Scott famously described [and here] the tendency of modern states to simplify complicated social and natural realities into representations that administrators can see and manipulate: cadastral maps, standardized names, scientific forests, censuses, planned cities.

The representation is useful precisely because it throws things away. A forest seen by a forester interested in timber yield is not the forest experienced by the people, animals, fungi and plants living in it. The administrative forest has become extraordinarily legible along a narrow set of dimensions by becoming blind along others.

Every game performs a similar operation. Before you can play, you must decide what the pieces are. You must decide what constitutes the state of the game, what counts as a move, what consequences follow from moves, and what counts as winning. Everything else becomes environment.

A rigid body in a mechanical simulation is not actually rigid. A point mass is not a point. A frictionless surface does not exist. A program described by its types still runs on processors with caches and memory hierarchies. A theorem encoded in Lean does not contain the diagram that gave somebody the idea for it.

Formalization is compression.

In physics this is explicit. Reality becomes a model, the model becomes mathematics, and the mathematics becomes a numerical representation. Information is discarded at every step.

The miracle is not that nothing is lost. The miracle is how often we can throw almost everything away and still retain what matters…

… This suggests an important asymmetry. A productive mathematical ecology wants porous epistemic boundaries and impermeable verification boundaries. On the way in, metaphor, hallucination and category mistakes can be useful. On the way out, they are forbidden.

A poem can inspire the theorem. The poem cannot prove it…

… A domain becomes playable when enough of its phenomenological complexity can be compressed into something like a state; when there is some reasonably stable repertoire of actions; when interactions can be repeated; when outcomes provide feedback about better and worse play; and when the environment is stationary enough that lessons learned yesterday remain useful tomorrow.

None of these conditions needs to be perfect. Poker contains hidden information. Markets change their own rules. Hunting happens in an uncontrolled environment. Conversation does not have an explicit score.

Playability is a matter of degree.

Nor is playability the same as formalizability.

Children learn social games without writing axioms. Hunters learn landscapes. Merchants learn markets. Political operators learn institutions. Formalization is merely one unusually powerful technology for increasing playability.

So are money, measurement, domestication, standardization, simulation, bureaucracy and digitization. They do related things. They compress states. They stabilize interactions. They make outcomes comparable. They create memory. They allow experience to accumulate.

This suggests a hypothesis:

Far more of reality than we might reasonably have expected can be carved into semi-closed environments in which experience accumulates, performance improves through repeated play, and success eventually becomes sufficiently legible to automate.

Call this the Curiously Playable Universe hypothesis

… If playability were merely a property of AI-friendly digital environments, none of this would be particularly interesting.

But the pattern is ancient. Consider agriculture.

Hunting and gathering takes place in a relatively wild learning environment. Animals move. Weather changes. Useful plants appear where they appear. The training distribution is supplied by nature.

Agriculture does something profound to the learning problem: It changes the environment.

Fields stabilize locations. Planting stabilizes cycles. Domestication alters organisms. Irrigation alters water availability. Storage alters time. Property regimes and markets stabilize incentives.

Humans did not merely become better at learning nature. They made nature easier to learn.

The wild game becomes domesticated.

Eventually industrial agriculture pushes large portions of the process toward automaticity: standardized breeds, standardized feed, controlled environments, mechanized planting and harvesting, precisely measured yields.

Then the game moves upward.

Instead of merely optimizing how an organism is cultivated, we begin optimizing the organism itself. Selective breeding becomes genetics becomes genomic selection and genetic engineering.

The old player becomes a game piece.

It is tempting to map this progression onto contemporary machine-learning terminology. Hunting looks vaguely like reinforcement learning in a difficult environment. Agriculture introduces something like shaped rewards and a controlled training distribution. Factory farming begins to resemble a regime of relentless verification against measurable outputs.

The analogy should not be pushed too literally. Human cultures have always involved teaching, imitation, norms and complicated reward systems.

But structurally the direction is unmistakable: increasing control over the state representation, action space, feedback signal and training distribution.

Commerce underwent another version of the transformation.

Exchange begins embedded in relationships, obligations, reputation, kinship and local knowledge. Credit can be intensely personal. Value is contextual.

Money performs an astonishing act of compression.

Heterogeneous goods and obligations become comparable through a common medium. Markets then stabilize arenas in which repeated exchange produces prices. Accounting makes states more legible. Contracts formalize future obligations.

Eventually finance builds games on top of the game.

A derivative can be a claim on the future value of another asset. Options put prices on possible future prices. Markets become arenas for expectations about expectations.

Play moves upward.

None of this required artificial intelligence. Humans have been turning wildernesses into games for thousands of years.

What AI changes is the cost of achieving playability in a domain.

Historically, making a domain playable was expensive. Somebody had to invent the categories. Somebody had to measure the variables. Somebody had to standardize the procedures. Somebody had to construct the institutions that made interactions repeatable.

And the resulting representation had to be relatively explicit because ordinary software was brittle.

Machine learning relaxes that requirement…

Rao muses on where this effect might accrue…

Coding is perhaps the clearest domain currently passing through the transition.

Programming was unusually playable before generative AI arrived.

Compilers already supplied verifiers. Type systems constrained legal moves. Unit tests supplied rewards. Version control recorded trajectories. Continuous integration repeatedly evaluated outcomes. Package ecosystems created enormous libraries of reusable moves.

Generative coding systems arrived in a landscape generations of programmers had inadvertently prepared for them.

As implementation becomes cheaper, the game moves upward toward specifications, architectures, product decisions and the increasingly important question of what software should exist in the first place.

Robotics is a more difficult frontier.

The physical world is phenomenologically unruly. Objects deform. Friction varies. Things break. Lighting changes. People walk into rooms. Drawers stick.

Simulation, cheap sensors, multimodal models and increasingly capable world models are gradually making physical environments more playable, but reality continually leaks through the representation.

This is why robotics may be one of the most important tests of the Curiously Playable Universe hypothesis.

Can enough of ordinary physical reality be compressed into stable learned representations to permit the same cycle of domestication and automation?

Science will probably fragment according to playability rather than according to our traditional rankings of intellectual difficulty.

Protein structure turned out to be unusually playable.

Drug discovery is less so because chemical promise must survive biology, organisms, clinical trials and human heterogeneity. Materials discovery may become increasingly playable through the combination of simulation and automated laboratories. Ecology may remain stubbornly wild because every useful abstraction excludes interactions operating at another scale.

Medicine contains both extremes. Image interpretation and molecular design can be made relatively game-like. Caring for an elderly person with five interacting conditions, family constraints and changing preferences is another matter.

Governance may become a particularly strange frontier.

States have spent centuries making populations legible through names, addresses, laws, property records, taxes, censuses, bureaucratic categories and standardized procedures. In that sense the modern administrative state is already a vast game-making machine.

AI will make more of its internal operations automatic.

But political systems contain an unusual source of wilderness: the pieces know they are pieces.

People respond strategically to measurements, categories and incentives. A rule changes the behavior it was intended to regulate. A metric becomes a target and stops being a good metric (Goodhart’s Law). Political actors learn to play the machinery designed to make them legible.

This may push governance upward toward new games involving states themselves: transnational protocols, financial systems, supply chains, standards regimes, platform governance and other structures that do not fit comfortably inside the old nation-state game board.

Some domains may resist for much longer.

Child-rearing is difficult to make playable because the objective changes as the child changes. Friendship has no stable score. Diplomacy involves adversaries whose models include models of your model of them. Entrepreneurship often consists precisely of discovering a game nobody realized existed.

Frontier science operates where we do not yet know which measurements matter. Cultural creation is evaluated by audiences who change partly because of the works being evaluated. Political legitimacy is altered by attempts to measure and optimize it.

These are not necessarily domains AI cannot enter. They are domains in which the wilderness fights back…

He continues…

… We keep asking what it means that machines can now play chess, write programs, fold proteins, prove theorems, steer robots and discover molecules. The question presumes that the remarkable new object is the machine—that some mysterious substance called intelligence has finally become “general” enough to flow from one human province into another.

But perhaps the stranger discovery concerns the provinces: Wildernesses can be reliably turned into game boards. We domesticate the territory, become skilled at its game, build machinery that plays it better than we can, and move outward to construct another game around the first, domesticating a larger scope.

This happened to fields and livestock long before it happened to chess. It happened to trade before it happened to programming. It happened to mechanics before it happened to mathematical proof.

Artificial intelligence did not invent this strange property of reality. It is merely making it difficult not to notice.

The deepest surprise of the AI era may turn out not to be that intelligence was easier to manufacture than we thought. It may be that the universe is far more playable than we imagined…

And he concludes with a consideration of writing…

… Writing sits somewhere awkwardly in the middle of the playability spectrum. It is obviously more playable than friendship or political legitimacy. There are stable artifacts, accumulated techniques, recognizable genres, repeatable operations and abundant feedback. Sentences can be revised. Arguments can be tested for consistency. Stories can be checked for continuity. Editors can compare two versions and usually say something useful about why one works better.

But writing lacks the feature that makes Lean such an extraordinarily good game board: a verifier. There is no kernel that accepts Middlemarch and rejects a bad novel. The relevant state is incompletely represented, the available moves are effectively unlimited, and the reward function wanders around outside the text in readers, institutions, historical circumstances and cultures that change partly in response to what gets written. Recent attempts to extend verifiable-reward techniques to writing therefore have to manufacture approximate evaluators out of principles and pairwise judgments rather than simply checking an answer. Writing is playable, but imperfectly and unevenly so.

The unevenness is becoming easier to see because AI is revealing which kinds of writing were already more game-like than we realized. A corporate memo, SEO article, product description, technical explanation or conventional news report has relatively strong constraints: purpose, audience, format, facts, length, house style, perhaps measurable outcomes. Formulaic genre fiction has a looser but still recognizable game board of beats, tropes, pacing, character functions and reader expectations. Even fiction once assumed to depend heavily on irreducible human voice is proving surprisingly susceptible to systematic generation and variation. Writing is not one game but a family of wilderness activities at very different stages of domestication.

At the other end lies writing whose purpose is partly to alter the terms by which it will be judged. As Walter Benjamin observed, “all great works of literature establish a genre or dissolve one.”

A genuinely new literary form, a strange essay, a foundational work of philosophy, or a piece of criticism that gives its readers a concept they did not previously possess cannot simply optimize against an existing reward function. Its success may consist in creating a new one. This is writing at its most wilderness-like, and perhaps why arguments about AI writing become confused when “writing” is treated as a single capability. Producing competent prose, satisfying a genre contract, developing an argument and inventing a form are different games with different degrees of playability…

… The meta-game emerging above writing may therefore involve constructing—and strategically revealing—the game boards on which execution takes place. If competent prose becomes cheap, more resources can be directed toward finding the question, assembling unlikely source domains, inventing the useful distinction, designing sequences of inquiry, recognizing when an analogy is productive, deciding what belongs together, and establishing the criteria by which a finished object ought to succeed. The writer becomes somewhat less like a person manufacturing sentences and somewhat more like an architect and player of generative constraints.

That does not mean prose becomes irrelevant. A game board badly realized is still a bad essay, just as a brilliant architectural plan does not eliminate the need for a building. Nor does it mean the higher-level activity is permanently reserved for humans. AI systems may themselves become increasingly capable of inventing representations, designing probes, discovering genres and constructing new games. The point is only that automaticity at one level does not end the activity. It displaces its frontier.

Writing may therefore be undergoing the same transition described throughout this essay, only messier and in public. Some of its old games are becoming startlingly playable. Some are approaching automaticity. New games are forming above them. And beyond those remains the poorly mapped territory from which the next game board might emerge…

Eminently worth reading in full: “The Curiously Playable Universe,” from @vgr.bsky.social.

And further: “Our Eukaryotic Moment,” in which Rao urges us to keep our minds open– to resist “premature ontological closure in conceptualizing AI.” A taste:

… About two billion years ago, life underwent a change in architecture. Until then, the planet was ruled by relatively simple prokaryotic cells: bacteria and archaea, tiny packets of chemistry bounded by membranes, carrying their genetic material directly in the same cellular space where much of the business of life took place.

Then something happened, or rather, several things happened in an order that remains uncertain. At some point, an ancestral archaeon cell entered into a permanent symbiosis with a bacterium capable of unusually powerful energy metabolism.

That bacterium eventually became the mitochondrion.

Somewhere in the same long evolutionary transition, genetic material became enclosed within a nucleus, separating the storage and regulation of hereditary information from much of the cell’s everyday chemistry. Internal membranes proliferated, cytoskeletons became more elaborate, and a new kind of cell emerged: the eukaryote….

… Eukaryotic cells became larger, more internally differentiated and capable of forms of organization unavailable to their ancestors. Much later, and independently in several lineages, some evolved multicellularity. Cells themselves became components of larger entities, differentiating and cooperating in increasingly elaborate ways. From the eukaryotic architecture eventually came forests, mushrooms, octopuses, hummingbirds, whales and us.

Eukaryotes were more than just “better bacteria.” They represented a different organization of life, capable of sustaining far more complex structures..

We may be living through an analogous transition now. The emergence of AI, in the particular form that it has appeared (deep learning), is arguably the eukaryotic moment in human cultural evolution, understood in memetic terms, with humans playing the role of mitochondria, and AI the role of the nucleus…

Meantime: “After We Stop Grieving AI: Cyborgs, Centaurs and Cyberpunks” (via Patrick Tanguay) See also: “Diving Deeper Into Digital Transformation” from John Hagel (source of the image above).

As the estimable Tim O’Reilly suggests, we’d probably be wise to take a breath, to treat AI as a “normal technology”: “Technology doesn’t force us… it merely opens the door.”

* Rainer Maria Rilke, Sonnets to Orpheus, Part Two, XII

###

As we crane to conceive what’s beyond our cocoon, we might recall that it was on this date in 1947 that the Association for Computing Machinery (or ACM) was founded. In one sense, computer science dates back to the 17th century and the mechanical calculators of Wilhelm Schickard and Gottfried Leibniz; in another, to the Difference and Analytical Engines of Charles Babbage (and the “programming” of Ada Lovelace). But the ACM can claim to be at least a key stone in the foundation of the field we now knw as “Computer Science”– the first modern “learned society” devoted to the emerging field. (Computer Science began to be established as a distinct academic discipline in the 1950s and early 1960s.  The world’s first computer science degree program, the Cambridge Diploma in Computer Science, began at the University of Cambridge Computer Laboratory in 1953. The first computer science department in the United States was formed at Purdue University in 1962.)

source

“The future is dark, which is, on the whole, the best thing the future can be, I think”*…

Further (and in some ways, contra) to yesterday’s post, Marek Poliks, Roberto Alonso Trillo, Tyler Dunn, Hugh Scott-Douglas, and Jay Springett ponder one extrapolation of AI…

Imagine the most extreme possible factory: a factory that drives itself, a factory that determines its own objectives and optimizes itself to accomplish them. It is something like a fully automated firm, a company with no people inside, a recursively self-optimizing body that decides what to make, how to make it, and why. This is a very special kind of factory, a factory built with the intention of producing something strictly in excess of its creator’s abilities, something so productive, so efficient, and so capable that it exceeds any possibility of its prescription in advance, something that belongs to the set of possible factories that are, at present, unthinkable. How might one build such a thing? What would it mean to steer or govern such a thing? We call this factory a superdark factory, a factory whose insides churn too quickly to comprehend, whose logics branch into tangles too dense to reconstruct, and whose standards of performance are too ephemeral to direct. We believe that it is possible to build such a factory now, with existing tools, should one decide to do so.

Toward such an end, we propose the dark stack—a collection of design principles an architect could use to bring about such a factory and, further, to contribute to this factory’s ongoing governance after its initialization, all while remaining unable to understand almost anything about it. The most significant intervention available to an architect building a superdark factory with the dark stack is a single committed move, made before the factory is ever turned on, that sets four key principles into motion: (1) an array of structural primitives that enable the factory to learn; (2) a versioning regime that measures what the factory does rather than what it is; (3) an adversarial evaluation layer that serves as the factory’s primary sensory organ; and (4) a charter that functions as a negotiated site of governance, cowritten with the factory itself. After this initial move is complete, the dark stack’s most consequential implications involve the foreclosure of human control from factory design and the subsequent instatement of the human architect as a game-theoretical strategic player engaged with the emerging totality of production…

The most extreme possible automated factory- how would you build it? How would you manage/govern it? “The Superdark Factory,” from https://x.com/antikythera_xyz and @mitpress.bsky.social.

See also: “What is a black box? A computer scientist explains what it means when the inner workings of AIs are hidden” (from whence, the image above)

* Widely attributed to Virginia Woolf’s private journal

###

As we feel our way forward, we might recall that it was on this date in 1716 that the first lighthouse in America, Boston Light, was lit on Little Brewster Island, marking the entrance to the Boston, Massachusetts harbor. (Canada’s first lighthouse, the Louisbourg Lighthouse, located on Lighthouse Point at the entrance to Louisbourg Harbour on Cape Breton Island, was lit in 1734.)

During the American Revolution, the original lighthouse was held by British forces and was attacked and burnt on two occasions by American forces. As the British forces withdrew in 1776, they blew up the tower and completely destroyed it.

The lighthouse was eventually reconstructed in 1783, to the same 75-foot height as the original tower. The reconstruction is the second oldest working lighthouse in the United States (after Sandy Hook Lighthouse in New Jersey) and is the only lighthouse still actively staffed by the U. S. Coast Guard (despite its automation in 1998).

A 1729 rendering (source)

Written by (Roughly) Daily

September 14, 2026 at 1:00 am