Posts Tagged ‘Roman Empire’
“Self-control is the chief element in self-respect, and self-respect is the chief element in courage”*…
To observe the obvious, power– and the exercise of power– is having a moment. It’s a little surprising that there’s not a broader discussion of Michel Foucault (and here) afoot… but then, the subjects and terms of our civic discourse are effectively being set by the powerful; and it’s hard to read Foucault as anything but a thorough-going critic.
It’s not so surprising that Thucydides is much discussed; it’s been easier for the powerful to find consoling, justifying “lessons” in his History of the Peloponnesian War, which recounts the 5th century BC war between Sparta and Athens— “Thucydides Trap” and so much more. Indeed, even critics are invoking Thucydides.
But, David Polansky and Daniel Schillinger argue, we need to listen wisely, not too well: the powerful wielding Thucydides are misreading him…
It’s almost never a good sign when Thucydides is in the news. The ancient Greek historian of the Peloponnesian War is typically invoked either to alert us to the possible return of a bygone age of terrifying great-power conflict, or to confirm that strong states can and should advance their own material interests, irrespective of justice.
Earlier this year, the Canadian prime minister Mark Carney earned much acclaim when he quoted, at Davos, the most famous lines in Thucydides’ History of the Peloponnesian War: ‘The strong can do what they can, and the weak must suffer what they must.’ While Carney intended his reference to be a critique of US behaviour under the Trump administration, Thucydides is also invoked in defence of aggressive or even imperialistic policies, especially in the United States. Yet those who look to Thucydides for either a justification or a critique of empire should be disappointed. Thucydides pulls no punches: he writes to expose the delusions of both the strong and the weak, the unjust and the just. Self-deception is a leitmotif of his History. Because self-deception is perennial, and because it can prove disastrous to victors and vanquished alike, Thucydides’ work remains timely and timeless, as he expected it would…
[The authors outline the war between the Athenians and the Peloponnesians and Thucycides’ vantage…]
… The line Carney invoked is often associated with ‘realism’ in world politics. This is a somewhat woolly term that encompasses both a moral position of scepticism about the possibility of justice in political life and an analytical approach to understanding political events in terms of material power and interest. Thucydides is a plausible originator of realism inasmuch as he offers an unvarnished and unsentimental account of the operation of political power among Greek cities. His realism may be contrasted with the ‘liberal institutionalism’ of a thinker such as Immanuel Kant, who holds out hope for mutual cooperation and even perpetual peace among states.
During the 20th century, these lines of ideological disagreement came to define discussions of international politics in both academic and political discourse. For example, the British historian E H Carr warily observed, during the Second World War, the spread of what he called ‘utopianism’, as reflected in the excessive hopes that international institutions such as the League of Nations might foster world peace. In response, Carr offered a qualified defence of realism for providing a pragmatic and flexible guide to politics in a dangerous world: ‘realism is the necessary corrective to the exuberance of utopianism, just as in other periods utopianism must be invoked to counteract the barrenness of realism.’
Thucydides’ own relationship to realism is more ambiguous than his reputation might suggest, however. For one thing, he never uses the term itself (which does not much predate the 20th century – in fact, it was Friedrich Nietzsche who first applied the term to Thucydides). He also rarely issues judgments under his own name. Many of the most notorious lines in his History are spoken by historical figures. Would anyone suppose that lines spoken by Richard III contain clear statements of William Shakespeare’s own views?
No doubt, Thucydides provides ample material for those who hope to find realist perspectives in his work. It is also true, however, that his History elicits a range of searching reflections on war’s causes and consequences. Note that Thucydides emphasises, humanely, the suffering occasioned by the Peloponnesian War. Some of this suffering was caused by disasters coinciding with war, not least the plague at Athens, which killed as many as a quarter of Athenian citizens by 425 BCE. But much suffering was caused by the Greeks themselves, including the Athenians and Spartans, whom one might have thought too ‘civilised’ to become so violent. In Thucydides’ words: ‘Never had so many cities been taken and laid desolate … never was there so much banishing and blood-shedding, now on the field of battle, now in factional strife.’
Thucydides himself was hardly exempt from events that shook the Hellenic world. He suffered from the terrible plague that struck Athens. He served in the war as an Athenian general, only to be exiled by his fellow citizens as punishment for failing to prevent the revolt of Amphipolis in 424 BCE. Yet Thucydides writes about the war with sobriety and restraint. There is little editorialising in his History; the author all but effaces himself. Thomas Hobbes, who was the first to translate him directly from Greek to English, observes: ‘Thucydides is one, who [does not] digress to read a lecture, moral or political, upon his own text, nor enter into men’s hearts further than the acts themselves evidently guide him.’ It is this same reserve, meanwhile, that seems to invite readers to impose their own interpretations upon the work.
The most well-known line in Thucydides’ History – and the one still encountered by undergraduates the world over, not to mention the attendees of Davos – is the one delivered by the Athenians to the Melians: ‘The strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must.’ This episode, the Melian Dialogue, occurs in 416 BCE (more than halfway through the war), when the Athenians send an expedition to the neutral island of Melos to compel the Melians to submit to Athenian rule. Prior to the siege, nameless representatives from both cities meet for parley.
Note, however, that the standard translation of the famous line is more ominous than the Greek verb, συγχωρέω, really warrants. A more accurate rendering of the line would be: ‘Those who are superior do what they can, and the weak yield.’ Perhaps the translation issue explains, in part, why many readers suppose that the Athenians here say that ‘might makes right.’ What the Athenians actually say is that the language of justice only has a place in negotiations among relative equals in power. Between the powerful Athenians and the weak Melians, the Melians must yield to Athenian interests. So, even if the Athenians’ line contains a threat, it also invites the Melians to speak without pretences.
The Melians reject this offer to find common ground on the basis of shared interests. Although we do not hear from the Melian people but only from their oligarchic rulers, these announce that the Melians will fight the far-more-powerful Athenians, even as the Athenians ask only that the Melians become tributary allies of Athens, supporting the Athenian empire with cash and ships. The Melians even seem to expect that they will defeat the Athenians – because they will receive the help of the gods (as just men) and the Spartans (as Spartan colonists). In their own words: ‘We trust that the gods may grant us fortune as good as yours, since we are just men fighting against unjust, and that what we want in power will be made up by the alliance of the [Spartans], who are bound, if only for very shame, to come to the aid of their kindred.’
The Athenians explain to the Melians that neither nature, the gods nor the Spartans will protect them: ‘As you have staked most on, and trusted most in, the [Spartans], your fortune, and your hopes [for justice], so will you be most completely deceived.’ And the Melians were deceived: the Athenians destroyed the island, killing all the men and enslaving the women and children.
The Athenians would soon suffer a similar fate. On the heels of the Melian massacre, within six months’ time, the Athenians would launch an expedition to Sicily, ending in the total destruction of their forces – about 40,000 men, the size of a whole city. For many readers, the Athenian disaster in Sicily represents punishment for the annihilation of Melos.
In one of his rare direct statements on the war, Thucydides himself declines to blame its outcome on any particular military encounter – not even the Sicilian expedition – nor upon the Athenians’ pursuit of empire. More broadly, the Athenian response to the Melians holds true for other cities. There is nothing in Thucydides’ History that refutes the Athenians’ central claim: the strong are simply in a greater position to impose their preferences, which the weak disregard at their peril. Every city rules to the limits of its power.
The question, rather, is whether any city does so wisely, without illusions. What, after all, did the Athenians gain – except infamy – by destroying tiny Melos? Why did the Melian rulers prevent the Athenians from speaking to the people, and why did they insist on self-destruction when they needed only to pay tribute to Athens? The pathos of the Melian dialogue, for Thucydides, lies in the self-deceptions of both the Melians and the Athenians – and the disastrous consequences to which these give rise.
he Melians represent one instance of a broader psychological phenomenon depicted by Thucydides: a fervid attachment to justice, especially in times of war, can carry with it certain delusions. In Thucydides, the just are self-deceived, both because they think that they will prosper on account of their justness, and because they overrate their own attachment to justice.
Sparta is a case in point. The Spartans and their allies insist on the justness of their war against Athens. To hear them tell it, the Athenian empire imposes slavery on its subject cities, since these are compelled to contribute tribute and ships to Athens. By contrast, the Spartans call themselves ‘the liberators of Hellas’.
This rhetoric of justice masks the Spartans’ true motivations, which Thucydides unmasks. Thucydides comments on the Spartan decision to declare war against Athens in the first place: ‘The [Spartans] voted that the treaty had been broken, and that the war must be declared, not so much because they were persuaded by the arguments of the allies, as because they feared the growth of the power of the Athenians.’ While the Spartans denounce the injustice of the Athenians and proclaim the freedom of all Greek cities, they act as they do because they see their own hegemony on the Peloponnesus threatened. At the very moment the Spartans vote for war and prepare to invade Attica, they remain nominally in treaty with the Athenians. Evidently the Spartans do not care about the injustice of breaking the treaty so much as they care about protecting their interests, whatever they may think or say – though they do make sure to say, as a pretext, that the Athenians have broken the treaty.
The Spartans also commit many of the worst atrocities reported by Thucydides…
… At best, the Spartans are hypocrites, trumpeting the causes of justice and liberation while quietly acting out of fear and self-interest. Yet the truth is worse and more complicated. The Spartans are moved by a passion for justice, which burns hot when they mete out punishment. Those who threaten the interests of the city – including their own best slaves, whose only fault is their excellence – incur the wrath of the Spartans. They are self-deceived because they do not seem to realise that their passion for justice has grown into a monstrous taste for punishment. The crimes of the Spartans receive a fraction of the attention paid to the fate of the Melians, partly because the Spartans committed their atrocities without the Athenians’ famous (or infamous) rhetorical flourishes.
Meanwhile, the Athenians may appear not to be self-deceived. After all, they talk tough about the weakness of justice in affairs among cities, and aren’t shy about pointing it out to others. In a conference at Sparta before the outbreak of the war, envoys from Athens offer a tripartite defence of the Athenian empire. First, human passions – especially fear, but also desires for honour and profit – compel cities to rule to the limits of their power. Second, experience confirms this account of the psyche. Only weaker cities appeal to justice; the strong simply act, securing their interests as they can. Third, because human nature and experience together compel cities to seek expansive rule, no city should be blamed for so acting. Necessity excuses the Athenian empire.
Yet, Thucydides exposes the delusions of the Athenians no less than those of the Spartans. If the Athenians grasp the weakness of justice among cities, they overestimate the power of reason – including their own. It was the Athenians, after all, who insisted on a dialogue with the Melian elites, trusting (mistakenly) that they would be able to persuade the Melians to accept Athenian rule. By destroying the island in the end, the Athenians school the Melians in the weakness of justice, but they commit two blunders of their own: they lose the resources that Melos might have provided to their empire; and their massacre of the people hurts their reputation as the ally of the people in oligarchic cities.
Likewise, in the war conference at Sparta, the exposition of the Athenian position works not at all to dissuade the Spartans from declaring war (indeed, it seems almost calculated to enrage them). Again and again in the History, the Athenians browbeat their enemies at the bargaining table. It is unclear whether the Athenians care more about realising their strategic aims or vindicating their own cleverness.
It is not enough, in other words, for the Athenians to realise their ambitions; they also want the satisfaction of seeing the other cities acknowledge the truth of their worldview. But its truth should not require other cities to grasp it. Silent conquest would work just as well – or better, insofar as it avoids needlessly offending those whose acquiescence would be of benefit to them.
Finally, for all their vaunted realism, and even when they focus their deliberations on material realities, the Athenians make bad decisions, or fail to understand their own motivations. For example, when the Athenians decide, under the influence of the charismatic Alcibiades, to invade faraway Sicily, there is surprisingly little discussion of the actual strategic value of this venture. Rather, the citizens of Athens vote as they do for a variety of more personal incentives, with the older men seeing opportunities for vicarious victory, and the young seeking glory and adventure with little fear for their lives. And yet, as though mistrusting their own judgments, they elect to place the cautious Nicias in charge of the expedition, as if his personal moderation would somehow balance out their immoderate goals. In the event, this mismatch leads to disaster.
More broadly, this misunderstanding of their situation extends to the nature of their empire itself. Pericles, the pre-eminent Athenian statesman, admits that the Athenian empire is ‘like a tyranny’. Yet he does so only in the final speech (before his death), with the plague raging through his city. Even then, he cannot help urging the Athenians to hope for glory. He claims that, even in defeat, Athens will be remembered for having ruled over more Greeks than any other city.
In one sense, at least, Pericles was not mistaken: we do still recall the exploits of the Athenians. Yet our remembrance is owed less to Pericles than to Thucydides. But, where Pericles poetically declares that ‘heroes have the whole earth for their tomb,’ Thucydides depicts the end of the Sicilian expedition: the Athenians leaving behind the unburied and the wounded, drinking their own blood in the river Assinarus, and dying, ignominiously, in the stinking quarries of Syracuse. And where Pericles promises his fellow citizens that they will leave behind them ‘imperishable monuments’, Thucydides leaves us his far more ambiguous History of the war.
Thucydides saw in the Peloponnesian War ‘a rough master, that brings most men’s characters to a level with their fortunes.’ Observing the United States’ present conflict with Iran, which has increasingly severe implications for the global economy, it is evident that those who embarked on the war had outsized expectations of success at minimal cost, and the tough talk that accompanied its outset was a reflection of those same expectations rather than a true apprehension of events. This kind of faux-realism has a way of excluding the subject from the harsh logic of their own claims about political life.
Meanwhile, others routinely predict the decline of US power as a cosmic punishment for its repeated aggression against other countries. While decline may be inevitable over a long enough timeline, the many announcements of it are also a form of wish-casting for a just universe, in which the unjust inevitably receive their comeuppance. After referencing Thucydides, Carney offered some tough-minded talk of ‘middle powers’ banding together, which was rather vague on actual power analysis: how sure are we that these states really do constitute middle powers (as opposed to small ones)? And what do their aggregated capacities really amount to?
A similar self-deception pervades the Hellenic world throughout the war. The Athenians deceive themselves as to their true capacity to rule over their fellow Greeks, especially as to the power of their reason to control events and persuade others. And they even go so far as to deceive themselves as to how their exploits will be remembered by those they conquered. The Spartans deceive themselves as to the justness of their cause, no matter their own acts of manifest injustice. Finally, the Melians deceive themselves that their own just cause in facing a stronger invader will be rewarded through salvation by either their Spartan allies or the gods themselves.
By contrast, Nietzsche accords Thucydides the highest praise for his ‘unconditional will not to deceive [himself]’. He sees the world as it is, and he does not attempt to find in it confirmation of what he already believes he knows. Thucydides’ self-knowledge defines the distance between him and us, which is not merely temporal but psychological. It is ironic, then, that so many with greater confidence and less self-awareness apply their own purposes to a work concerned with the vast human capacity for self-deception…
As Thucydides said, “Ignorance is bold, and knowledge is reserved.”
On learning from a still-timely ancient history: “Thucydides the perspicacious,” from @aeon.co.
See also: “Thucydiocies: How Not to Read Thucydides in Contemporary Political Discourse.”
* Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War
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As we fumble with force, we might recall that on this date in 48 BCE, Julius Caesar‘s forces defeated the Roman Republican army led by Pompey in the Battle of Pharsalus. A climactic event in “Caesar’s Civil War,” the victory boosted Caesar’s power and legitimacy. While the civil war dragged on until 45 BC, Caesar grew steadily stronger until his ultimate victory, after which he was appointed “Dictator,” and set into motion the conversion of Rome into an imperial state, completed by his heir Octavian (or as we also know him, Augustus).
Scholars disagree as to whether the Battle of Pharsalus was the inciting event for the collapse of the republic or a symptom of the republic’s collapse. Either way, Caesar’s victory there was the turning point from republic to imperial rule.
“As democracy is perfected, the office of president represents, more and more closely, the inner soul of the people. On some great and glorious day the plain folks of the land will reach their heart’s desire at last and the White House will be adorned by downright moron.”*…
This is a year, Niccolo Conte demonstrates, in which that possibility is especially present around the world…
With almost half of the world’s population residing in countries holding executive or legislative elections in 2024, it’s set to be the busiest election year ever recorded…
Many people are already aware of the U.S. presidential and legislative elections set to be held on November 5th, especially due to American influence on the global political stage and media coverage.
But two governments affecting larger populations, India and the European Union, are also slated to have elections in 2024…
A few notable elections have already occurred. Taiwan held general elections on January 13th, with the more anti-China Democratic Progressive Party retaining the presidency but losing its majority in the legislature.
[And in February, Indonesia held general elections; while the results are still being tabulated, early indications are that it could make for some material changes in the world’s third-largest democracy.]
Pakistan also held elections on February 8th, with former Prime Minster Imran Khan’s party and affiliates winning a plurality of seats but losing power to a military-backed coalition.
Pakistan’s election results were cast into doubt by foreign observers and media, with Khan having been arrested and sentenced to prison on corruption charges. It is far from the only country holding controversial and potentially undemocratic elections in 2024.
Bangladesh’s landslide January 7th elections were boycotted by the opposition and voters, and Russia’s March 15th elections had three anti-war presidential candidates barred from competing, including Alexei Navalny before his controversial death in February…
The biggest global election year on record: “Mapped: 2024 Global Elections by Country,” from @Niccoloc in @VisualCap.
* H. L. Mencken
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As we peruse the polls, we might recall that it was on this date that it was on this date in 12 BCE that Caesar Augustus (AKA Octavian), the first Roman Emperor, was elected Pontifex maximus (the chief high priest of the College of Pontiffs [Collegium Pontificum] in ancient Rome)– adding stature as head of Rome’s state religion to his imperial credentials.

“The one duty we owe to history is to rewrite it”*…
Scholars now argue that early nomadic empires were the architects of modernity. But, Manvir Singh asks, do we have the right measure of their success?…
[Last] September, Pope Francis became the first leader of the Catholic Church ever to visit Mongolia. It must have been a humbling stopover. The country has fewer than fifteen hundred Catholics. The welcoming ceremony, in Ulaanbaatar’s main square, attracted a few hundred spectators—a crowd less than a thousandth the size of one that had gathered to see him in Lisbon a month earlier. One of the attendees had come out to do his morning Tai Chi and unknowingly ended up at the event…
Not everyone understood why the Pontiff was there. A caterer at a banquet for the Vatican entourage asked a Times reporter, “What are Catholics again?” But the Pope came prepared. Speaking to diplomats, cultural leaders, and the Mongolian President, he celebrated the religious freedom protected under the Mongol Empire during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries—“the remarkable ability of your ancestors to acknowledge the outstanding qualities of the peoples present in its immense territory and to put those qualities at the service of a common development.” He also celebrated “the Pax Mongolica,” the period of Mongol-enforced stability across Eurasia, citing its “absence of conflicts” and respect “of international laws.”
Many earlier Christians would have been staggered by Francis’s words…
[Singh recounts the long Christian– and Muslim– tradition of seeing the “Mogol Horde” as blood-thirsty savages…]
But Pope Francis was far from alone in challenging the old tropes. “We have too readily accepted the stereotype of supremely violent Mongols who conquered much of Eurasia with stunning ease,” Marie Favereau writes in “The Horde: How the Mongols Changed the World” (Harvard). Her work joins other recent volumes—Kenneth W. Harl’s “Empires of the Steppes: A History of the Nomadic Tribes Who Shaped Civilization” (Hanover Square), Anthony Sattin’s “Nomads: The Wanderers Who Shaped Our World” (Norton), and Nicholas Morton’s “The Mongol Storm: Making and Breaking Empires in the Medieval Near East” (Basic)—in a decades-long effort to overhaul narratives about the barbarity of the nomad, and especially Mongols. These works advance a kind of steppe restoration. Instead of blood-drunk man-beasts, we meet crafty administrators who supported debate, commerce, and religious freedom. Yes, they overran cities, but state formation often demanded it. And, yes, they enslaved, but so did lots of societies, and many were much crueler.
The steppe restoration typifies what historians call the global turn, a larger project of shifting histories away from nation-states and colonialist defamation and toward the peoples and processes that have knotted us together. It’s a survey of shadows, a tracing of negative space. It focusses on peoples who, in Sattin’s words, “have long been confined to the anecdotes and afterthoughts of our writers and histories.” These are some of the most maligned groups in historical chronicles: the uncivilized; the barbarians at the gate; the tribes who seem to appear from some demonic portal, destroy everything in sight, and then recede back into darkness. The steppe restoration repositions them. It treats them as subjects in their own right—as peoples who have their own histories, who formed societies no less complex than the sedentary states they confronted, and who helped craft the world we inhabit.
…
The idea that the Mongols were the architects of modernity is a mainstay of the new scholarship. Sattin presents an argument similar to Harl’s, adding the compass to the list of innovations sent westward, although he acknowledges that other nomads, such as the Arabs, helped deliver them to Europeans. Both authors are able to draw upon such earlier work as the anthropologist Jack Weatherford’s “Genghis Khan and the Making of the Modern World” (2004), a charming, poetic, and laudatory introduction to the Mongols that, more than any other book, helped advance the steppe restoration.
All these chroniclers tell a similar story of the Mongols’ ascent. A modest, resourceful, and sometimes ruthless hunter-nomad named Temujin, having been abandoned by his clan as a nine-year-old, united the tribes of the eastern steppes for the first time in four centuries. In 1206, at a gathering of steppe leaders, he was bequeathed the title Chinggis Khan, which means something like “fierce” or “oceanic” ruler. (The English “Genghis” comes from translations of Persian sources.) In the next two decades, he and his followers became the first to bring under one dominion the lands between the Caspian Sea and the Pacific Ocean, an area nearly as wide as the steppe itself.
After his death, in 1227, Genghis Khan’s domain continued to swell until it covered some twenty per cent of the world’s landmass, from Syria to Korea. In the east, his son Ogedei subdued northern China. When Kublai Khan, Genghis’ grandson, overtook the south, he unified the country and founded the Yuan dynasty…
…
The steppe restoration shows the strengths—and the limitations—of the resplendent new discipline of “global history.” Often said to have begun around the start of the twenty-first century, this approach emerged amid the excitement of a commerce-connected, borderless world. In 2005, Thomas Friedman published his treatise of globalization, “The World Is Flat.” The next year, three academics started The Journal of Global History. Writing in the first issue, the British historian Patrick O’Brien declared that global history aimed to leave behind “the arrogance of Rome” as well as “the scientific and technological triumphalism of the West.” Rather than building stories around the greatness of Europe (or of the Caliphate, or Confucianism), he advocated for a study of “connexions” and “comparisons” that would also spotlight “the manifold achievements of more peoples, communities, and cultures over long spans of human history.”
The emerging discipline had to overcome centuries of historiographic hubris. Writing about other peoples has long been in service of self-glorification…
[Singh traces the habit from Herodotus through colonial/imperial histories to the more modern likes of Jared Diamond’s “Guns, Germs, and Steel” (1997), Niall Ferguson’s “Civilization: The West and the Rest” (2011), and Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson’s “Why Nations Fail” (2012), and Ian Morris’s “Why the West Rules—for Now.”]
Global history was supposed to transcend all such forms of parochialism, and this goal, at first, seems realized in the steppe restoration. The nomads, we are told, created cities, enforced peace, and guaranteed religious freedom. They encouraged trade and cultural interaction, recombining ideas, peoples, and technologies—with world-shaking consequences.
Yet a paradox runs through these books. Steppe peoples are most noteworthy, they seem to assure us, when they look like rich, settled societies. They have a role in “world history” insofar as they affect the rise and fall of sedentary, often European, polities. And so the steppe restoration ends up affirming the standards it set out to challenge.
Consider how historical significance is determined. Scholars routinely scoff at Hegel’s comment that history ended in the West, and yet the steppe restoration shows just how ingrained the notion remains…
The new global history has eagerly set out to establish that steppe nomads displayed key features of classic civilizations and liberal democracies—writing, urbanization, and apparently progressive values. But as long as these advances are considered signs of sophistication, nomads will come up short…
Global history’s professed aim of decentering world history requires a more sophisticated grasp of what sophistication looks like. In the case of nomadic societies, we need to shift our orientation from the static to the flexible, from social complexity embodied in brick and bureaucracies to something that dwells within networks: an ever-responsive capacity for large-scale collective action. What made nomads impressive, after all, is what made them unique. They lived in enormous, travelling societies. They subsumed diverse ethnic groups and could mobilize for war almost instantly. They overran the empires at their borders and ruled over them, sometimes for generations. Mongol organization reached its pinnacle in those hordes—self-sufficient, mobile units that contained as many as a hundred thousand people and that transported homes, statues, workshops, palaces, and supply lines. Through settled eyes, we might call these “moving cities,” yet the phrase misses their almost aqueous nature, their ability to restructure around births, departures, and political scuffles.
Historians have worked to show that, in Sattin’s words, “the nomad story is neither less wonderful nor less significant than ours.” But we’ll still be treating ourselves as the measure of everything unless we learn to revise our sense of significance. This may be the greatest gift a more global history offers us: greatness redefined…
The discipline of “global history,” shifting history away from nation-states toward trans-regional processes, was meant to leave behind the ethnocentrism of what had preceded it. The new steppe scholarship shows how tricky a task that is: “The Mongol Hordes: They’re Just Like Us,” from @mnvrsngh in @NewYorker.
* Oscar Wilde
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As we rethink the rudiments, we might recall that it was on this date in 27 BCE that Gaius Julius Caesar (born Gaius Octavius) was given the added honorific “Augustus” and became the first Roman Emperor.
“Fashion is the armor to survive the reality of everyday life”*…
Need assistance in selecting that armor– in identifying your aesthetic? Aesthetics Wiki is here to help…
Our wiki is a comprehensive encyclopedia of online and offline aesthetics! We are a community dedicated to the identification, observation, and documentation of visual schemata…
From Acid Pixie to Zombie Apocalypse, dozens and dozens of “looks” and ways-of-being, each described, illustrated (both visually and with examples from TV/movies, music, and books), and cross-referenced to related trends (or vibes or whatever): “List of Aesthetics“
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As we browse, we might encounter Neo-Romanism… and recall that it was on this date in 31 BCE that the forces of Octavian defeated the forces of Cleopatra and Mark Antony in the War of Actium, the last civil war of the Roman Republic. As a result, Cleopatra and Mark Antony fled to Egypt (where Octavian’s forces cornered them the following year), and ultimately committed suicide. Octavian was rewarded for bringing peace by being named Augustus and the first Roman emperor beginning the transformation of the Republic into the Roman Empire.

“The Roman era’s declension was a time in which bizarreness masqueraded as creativity”*…
The Roman Empire “shrank” from being ruled from several different cities in the fifth century, among them Alexandria, Antioch, Constantinople and Rome itself, to just Constantinople. Daisy Dunn reviews Paul Stephenson‘s new history of that period, The New Rome— a comprehensive explanation of the Eastern Empire’s transformation into Byzantium.
Drawing on scientific data, Stephenson demonstrates that the challenges faced by the last Roman emperors weren’t simply martial, economic, and theological; they also faced natural disasters, the degradation of the human environment, and pathogens previously unknown to the empire’s densely populated, unsanitary cities. In the end, despite the Plague of Justinian, regular “barbarian” invasions, a war with Persia, and the rise of Islam, the empire endured as a political entity (albeit “post-Roman”). But Greco-Roman civilization, a world of interconnected cities that had shared a common material culture for a millennium, did not…
Attempts to answer the time-old question of why Rome fell have been characterised in recent years by a new awareness of the role that factors including pollution and climate change played. Anyone who has shrugged at the suggestion that the weather had anything to do with the demise of such a mighty empire will, I think, come away from this book persuaded that climate change and natural disasters provide an important part of the answer. Far from being moralistic and attempting to apply the examples of the past as a warning, Stephenson lays down the evidence unemotionally, and lets it speak for itself.
The causes of change were not purely driven by human behaviour, though smelting and, even more so, heavy warfare in the era of invading Huns and Vandals, had a significant environmental impact. Pollen records reveal a dramatic decline in the growing of cereals in Greece by about 600AD and, from the seventh century, pollination was happening predominantly through nature rather than agriculture.
The root cause of this was the destruction of arable land following invasions and the decline in human settlements. Add to this diminishing sunlight — measurements of “deposited radionuclides” indicate a significant reduction of light between the midfourth and late seventh centuries — and we are looking at a radically different landscape in this period from that of the High Empire…
A new history of Byzantium reveals the inner workings of a late antique empire: “Wonders and warnings from the ancient world,” from @DaisyfDunn in @TheCriticMag.
* Edward Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire
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As we ponder precedent, we might recall that Rome’s prior history had not been without its perturbations. Indeed, it was on this date in 37 CE, following the death of Tiberius, that the Roman Senate annulled Tiberius’ will and confirmed Caligula, his grandnephew, the third Roman emperor. (Tiberius had willed that the reign should be shared by his nephew [and adopted son] Germanicus and Germanicus’ son, Caligula.)
While he has been remembered as the poster boy for profligacy, Caligula (“Little Boots”) is generally agreed to have been a temperate ruler through the first six months of his reign. His excesses after that– cruelty, extravagance, sexual perversity– are “known” to us via sources increasingly called into question.
Still, historians agree that Caligula did work hard to increase the unconstrained personal power of the emperor at the expense of the countervailing Principate; and he oversaw the construction of notoriously luxurious dwellings for himself. In 41 CE, members of the Roman Senate and of Caligula’s household attempted a coup to restore the Republic. They enlisted the Praetorian Guard, who killed Caligula– the first Roman Emperor to be assassinated (Julius Caesar was assassinated, but was Dictator, not Emperor). In the event, the Praetorians thwarted the Republican dream by appointing (and supporting) Caligula’s uncle Claudius the next Emperor.








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