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“Private equity has absolutely no reason to exist. The private equity holder has all the upside and the banks all the downside.”*…

As private equity investors become much more active in the Global South, Farwa Sial adds local economies and their labor forces to the list of those shouldering the risks of falling into the hands of operators whose m. o. is “slash and burn” (or here). Her point of reference is, as you’ll see the U.K., where private equity has wreaked havoc with essential services. But she might well have cited examples from U.S. (e.g., healthcare [or here] or infrastructure [or here]…

The effectiveness of private equity has been a subject of ongoing debate in countries of the Global North. There is substantial evidence highlighting the extractive practices associated with private equity operations across Western nations. Examples include the decline of the British high street and the financial instability of local councils in the UK, particularly in the provision of child care. Similarly, in the United States, private equity has been linked to the attrition of an already fragile healthcare system. In France, Germany and the UK., its influence has contributed to the deterioration of care homes, raising significant concerns about its broader social and economic impact.

In a recent blog, Michael Roberts characterized private equity as “vampire capital“, encapsulating the widely recognized critique that private equity firms function through a rentier model. These firms are frequently associated with practices such as asset stripping, worker lay-offs, and opting for excess leverage that increases the debt burdens of their acquisitions, all while failing to provide compelling evidence of value creation. This perspective aligns closely with earlier criticisms of private equity. During the 2000s, private equity operations were similarly likened to a swarm of locusts, reflecting widespread disapproval of their extractive and often detrimental economic practices.

In summary, such analogies emphasize the aftermath of private equity operations, leaving behind “carcasses and barren landscapes.” Nevertheless, the evidence of a hollowed-out socio-economic landscape in the Global North has not deterred the international expansion of private equity into countries of the Global South. On the contrary, ongoing reports of American private equity capturing British markets have emerged in tandem with the globalization of Western private equity. In so-called “emerging markets,” this expansion manifests in various forms, including an enthusiasm for deploying “moral money” through international development initiatives.

This article examines the role of private equity in Global South countries, focusing on three key characteristics: the escalation of indebtedness, the weakening of public markets, and the public subsidy function of development finance in facilitating private equity investments…

Exporting pain: “Private Equity in the Global South: Locusts? Vampires? The contagion effect” by @farwasial in @DevEconNetwork.

* Nassim Nicholas Taleb

(Image above: source)

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As we muse on models of modernization, we might recall that on this date in 1995, the Japanese Nikkei index fell more than 1,000 points from 19,241 to 17,785 as traders panicked over the devastation of the Hanshin (or Kobe) Earthquake. In total, the Nikkei had fallen 7.6% since the earthquake on January 17th. 

The decline was the leading trigger of the failure of the 232-year-old Barrings Bank. A young trader, Nick Leeson, had speculated on Japanese derivatives. By this date in 1995, Leeson had make big bets that the Nikkei would remain between 19,000 and 21,000. As the market sank Leeson added to his positions, eventually accumulating over 60,000 futures contracts. Within a month Leeson quit the bank and was on the run (eventually he was arrested and served 3 years in jail). The losses he accumulated took Barings down; it failed and was sold to ING for 1 pound on March 6th.

source

Written by (Roughly) Daily

January 23, 2025 at 1:00 am

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